Impact of Mobile Phone Technology

Impact of Mobile Phone Technology Modern Technology In the past two decades, technology has advanced and changed the manner in which people relate within family ties and social groups. Research suggests that in the 1990s, mails and letters were the most used channels for long distance communication and the postal services were very essential in fulfilling this duty. At the moment, communication has evolved from the use of land lines fixed in peoples homes to mobile phones carried everywhere to facilitate easy and quick communication. In this paper, the new possibilities unlocked by modern technology are examined and analyzed in an argumentative manner with close reference paid to mobile phones and communication. The mobile phone is a very interesting device that among all emerging trends in technology has captured the greatest number of audience with a great percentage of people owning one in reference to Elliott et al (25). The services offered by the mobile phone are so diverse from making of voice and video calls, sending text messages, to accessing social media platforms such as Facebook and WhatsApp, and also taking pictures among many other functions. The rate at which this device has been embraced by consumers of all age has brought a controversial debate on its impacts and whether people are over relying on it. The debate majorly lies on the question of whether mobile phones have taken over real human interaction and changed the manner in which people relate. A person with a mobile handset can reach anyone they want to, despite of the geographical distance between them in an instant based on Elliot et al (85). Today, text messages and the WhatsApp application have revolutionized communication by enabling people to chat and send each other pictures and videos with a lot of ease. The current generation enjoys all these services availed by the modern technology and have a different experience from their parents and guardians who grew up in a different era. Take for instance, the manner in which people in the 1900s depended on newspapers for daily updates and every morning crowds of people could be seen grasping to get a copy. A hundred years later in the 2000s, the difference is notable as one can easily witness a mobile phone in every persons hand at any time of the day, performing different tasks with their device. In this controversial topic, there are two kinds of groups, those who would condemn the embracing of mobile phones and label them as an obsession while others label it as a necessity and defend its presence. In my opinion, the mobile phone is being misused and overused. The percentage of people owning a mobile phone in the United States is approximated to be at 70% of the entire population with the rates continuously increasing in each year. The major users of these devices range in between the age of 16 years and 30 years while those above this age bracket having a lowered dependency on their phones despite owning one. The major functions performed using the mobile phones by this dominant group include; WhatsApp chatting, taking of pictures, listening to music, playing games and accessing social media sites in the internet. According to research, individuals in the mentioned age group spend more than 50% of their time on the phone, and their subconscious mind is fixed on the functions they could be doing on their phones 75% of the time. It is practically impossible to separate some individuals from their mobile phones even at family gatherings and during outdoor activities as they remain engrossed in their handsets. This is the kind of attachment associated with the mobile phone as one of the most popular modern technology. The mobile phone is associated with the most amount of distraction based on psychological research which reveals how peoples brain responds to notifications from the phone. In most cases, people have set a notification sound on their phones which alerts them in case of an incoming message or call. The notification sound takes a minds attention from whichever activity it was performing to first respond to the incoming message or call. The amount of time taken to achieve a similar level of focus by the mind after such distractions from the phone could be significant in conclusion of the ongoing activity and thus such distractions are obstructions to progress. In the case of human interactions, mobile phones have been constantly viewed as obstructions to how people relate. In the present times, it is common to find people during a face to face conversation frequently checking their mobile phones for communication with people in other parts of the world according to research from Siemens (42). The intrusion of mobile phones in human interaction is to the extent of family set ups where teenagers and kids with mobile phones carry their handset to the table during meals and repeatedly get carried away from the rest of the family. It is such behaviors that cause parents and their kids to clash during family time as real family conversations cannot be addressed while the phones are at the table. The family bond is ruined and at times, the entire family is engrossed on their phones interacting with distant friends and ignoring family members. The vice in this act is that distant connections are nurtured at the expense of real life relations where family values and bonds should be first in the priority from Turkle (135). The mobile phone was invented to ease communication and improve peoples relations but it can be said to be doing the exact opposite. The handset created a platform for people to interact, exchange information and more importantly socialize. These functions are in relation to the positive side of using a handset as it was intended to perform. The real life facts on the immediate effect of handsets on peoples relationship suggest that mobile phones are harmful to couples relations. Technology is prevalent to introverted people who find comfort in inanimate interactions rather than personal relations. The introduction of the social media technology in the mobile handset, therefore, has caused people in the modern world to become antisocial in real life. Interactions are based online and people are more comfortable relating on the Facebook and WhatsApp platforms in comparison to personal face to face relations. The negative impact on dating couples brought by the mobile phone is the stress placed on relationships due to a diversification of attention to the distant population rather than the ones nearby. The platforms introduced by social media through the mobile phone also ruin relationships by enabling couples to cheat on each other through these avenues. The internet is a hub of all possibilities, dating sites and hook up sites have been established to connect people who may intend to find new lovers online. In this way, couples who intend to cheat are aided in this task by their mobile phones through the internet access. They are also able to hide these connections by erasing any evidence which may exist on their devices or by simply locking their phones with passwords and patterns availed in the handset during the infidelity process. Modern technology aims to make peoples lives convenient by introducing an easier way of doing things that is less stressful. A shift of attention from the mobile phone and its impacts on human relations suggests that the general incorporation of technology in individuals lives contributes to a significant percentage of laziness among people. Take a remote control for instance, it is meant to facilitate easy control of technological gadgets from distance and in the process it contributes to laziness. Research indicates that most people with remote controlled gadgets within their houses have less mobility and perform such tasks at the comfort of their seats denying themselves any physical exercise. At the moment, kids have gadgets within their houses such as play stations which they use to play games after school. These indoor games have denied the kids in the current generation from engaging in outdoor activities and games which are beneficial to their health. The importance of outdoor games has been lost due to technological games which slowly replace the physical aspect of child growth. Playing outside is very healthy to the development of kids according to medical practitioners since it offers children the chance to exercise and also interact with each other. Take for instance, kids engaging in a game of baseball with a neighboring child of the same age, this fosters new friendships and improves their physical health as well as their social skills. The games played on technological devices are also very addictive and in some instances harmful to the mind. Once a child begins playing the computer games, their minds get engaged with a sense of excitement which makes them to want to play it more. In this attachment, their brains can be harmed by an increased level of anxiety and loss of sleep when they reach this level of attachment. Technological advancements in the modern day have increased dependency on easy quick fix solutions for every human problem. The easy fix solutions to problems are beneficial to individuals who gain an easy way of performing stubborn functions such as cleaning among many other operations but the general result is negative. Take for instance, an introduction of a machine or robot which performs the task which used to be performed by a human being in the early days. The indirect result is that many people will be laid off in the process of easing a specific task through technological advancements of this kind. Modification is a superb inclusion in the modern technological world but too much embracing of technology in every service is detrimental to the jobs of some human beings. When technology is embraced in every sector, it solves some problems as it creates others. The ultimate aim of human beings is to fix their problems and not to transfer them to another field. Technology in this case offers new ventures for human beings to explore while directing them to new challenges as suggested earlier. Take the practical example of the introduction of plantation harvesting machines within a society that depends on agricultural labor as their main source of employment. The owner of the plantation enjoys a reduced labor cost solving one problem while the people of the society risk losing their jobs due to the introduction of a technological solution to their work place. The level of unemployment in such an area will definitely rise as the machine eliminates the need for physical labor. Technological solutions in such a case will solve one problem and create another one. Modern technology is creating more harm than good in other areas where their complexity is too high for all humans expected to utilize its services. There is a close difference between the ways in which modern technology should be applied and how human beings without the necessary knowledge apply it. Utilization of chemical fertilizers is an additional modern technology aimed at improving the manner in which people farm and the products grown from the farms. In the process of applying fertilizers, heavy chemicals used in its preparation require an informed procedure of application that will not be harmful to the soil or the crops themselves based on Elimelech and William (712). The wrong use of these fertilizers is the reason some crops have become extinct while the soils lose their productivity after a period of application. The inability of some farmers to follow the application instructions is responsible for the environmental degradation being experienced. The soil loses its natural fertility and is unable to sustain the growth of crops as it is required. In the long run, continued application of chemical fertilizers could lead to soil poisoning which eventually harms the health of other living organisms such as animals and even human beings. The climate on the other hand has been on the negative end of technology as pollution from companies with mechanical advancements is a common aspect in the modern world. These machines require a source of fuel to run them and in the process of operation, some produce smokes known to be harmful to the earths atmosphere. Mechanization in this essence brings a negative impact to the climate and as humans embraces its operations in their daily routines the world climate suffers the most. It would be wrong to label modern technology as a demon in the current society due to human beings obsession and wrong use of the inventions brought to them. The reliance placed by human beings is the part where vices are created and modern technology produces negative results that were not expected in the start. For instance, the mobile phones inclusion in the modern world can be a very beneficial tool in the society with its capability to connect people even in different localities. The vices of the use of mobile phones appear when people get addicted to their phones and in the long run misuse them losing sight of real life connections in reference to Elliott et al (113). According to research from Bertot et al (30), addictions are harmful to ones mental and emotional health as signs of anxiety and restlessness appear when people are detached from their items of comfort such as mobile phones. People who are used to carrying their phones everywhere display a sense of stress when they forget them at home and at times compare the feeling to being naked. In terms of couples, this may be due to insecurities of what ones lover might discover in their phones during their absence. The stress associated with the mobile phone in this case becomes negative and this solidifies the argument that modern technology should be limited according to Ayyagari et al (831). The solution to this kind of dependency on modern technology lies in replacement of the gadgets with other physical activities which can shift ones focus to social events and interactions. The elimination of modern technology in this century is an attempt close to impossible but limitation of time spent on ones devices, and restriction of how people apply mechanization in all their daily routines. References Bertot, John Carlo, Paul T. Jaeger, and Derek Hansen. The impact of polices on government social media usage: Issues, challenges, and recommendations. Government information quarterly 29.1 (2012): 30-40. Elliott, Anthony, and John Urry. Mobile lives. Routledge, 2010. Siemens, George. Connectivism: A learning theory for the digital age. (2014). Turkle, Sherry. Alone Together: Why We Expect More from Technology and Less from Each Other. New York, NY: Basic Books, 2011. Print. Elimelech, Menachem, and William A. Phillip. The future of seawater desalination: energy, technology, and the environment. science 333.6043 (2011): 712-717. Ayyagari, Ramakrishna, Varun Grover, and Russell Purvis. Technostress: technological antecedents and implications. MIS quarterly 35.4 (2011): 831-858.

Crime and Punishment Analysis Essay

Raskolnikov’s redemption is an essential element to the story. His interaction with Profiry is a catalyst for this change. Additionally, the psychological concepts and techniques used by the investigator are crucial aspects of the narrative. In fact, his entire investigation involves the use of psychology to lure out the murderer in what Raskolnikov refers to as a â€Å"cat and mouse game. † Though Raskolnikov considers hi an adversary, his admiration for Porfiry’s intelligence and the good use to which he puts it are critical in redeeming certain aspects of his character. Porfiry Petrovitch is an intelligent young man who works for the betterment of his country. He is greatly devoted to Russia and believes his nation has a bright future. He sees Raskolnikov as a bright young man who can contribute to Russia. Through the story Petrovitch comes to realize that Raskolnikov has fallen under the influence of radical new ideas. He is clearly not a common policeman; otherwise he would have arrested the young man much earlier in the novel. Indeed, Petrovitch’s advanced knowledge of psychological methods makes him come across as an open-minded intellectual. He reads the article Raskolnikov had written about crime. He brings this up in their first encounter and Raskolnikov provides details on his ubbermensch theory. Porfiry concludes that the young student must have included himself in the theory, as he was the one who spread the new idea. He also uses other tactics, such as asking whether Raskolnikov noticed two painters at Ivanova’s apartment. This is an attempt to trap Raskolnikov, who realizes it because there were no painters on site until the day of the murder. However these clever mind games and exchanges provide the novel with a rich, compelling interaction. Raskolnikov recognized Porify’s intelligence, and fears him as an antagonist. The investigator however looks at his suspect differently. Soon Petrovitch’s aim is to show Raskolnikov the error of his theory; that his ideas cannot serve humanity unless they are executed by humane people. Thus a person must employ both humanity and intellect simultaneously in order for their ideas to improve society. By discovering the inaccuracy of his theory, Raskolnikov can begin to accept blame and punishment for his actions. Through suffering for his actions, Raskolnikov can begin his ehabilitation and progress towards becoming the valued addition to society that Petrovitch thinks he can be. Petrovitch believes that he can rehabilitate Raskolnikov into someone who can serve Russia in a useful way. This is exemplified by the final interview, in which he gives Raskolnikov additional time to confess to the crime and thereby reduce his level of punishment. Throughout their exchanges, Petrovitch pushes the main character to do the right thing by appealing to his intellect. His influence on Raskolnikov helps the young man to accept responsibility for his actions and move towards rebuilding his life.

Home Burial Essay - 911 Words

Home Burial Robert Frost’s â€Å"Home Burial† is a very well written poem about a husband’s and a wife’s loss. Their first born child has died recently. Amy and her husband deal with their loss in two very different ways, which cause problems. Amy seems like she confines their child to the grave. She never seems to le go of the fact she has lost her first child. Amy’s husband buried their child himself. This allowed him to let go and live a normal life. Amy does not understand how he could do what he did. Therefore, she wants to have nothing to do with him, especially talk to him. He doesn’t understand why she can’t let go, and why she won’t talk to him. He tries to get her to tell him why, but she just wants to go to someone else. She will†¦show more content†¦In line one-hundred and thirteen, it is obvious Amy is sad and upset. He shows movement in lines thirty-three through thirty-five â€Å"She withdrew, shrinking from benea th his arm / That rested on the banister, and slid downstairs; / And turned on him with such a daunting look,† line forty-seven â€Å"Her fingers moved the latch a little†¦Ã¢â‚¬  and line one-hundred and eighteen â€Å"†¦She was opening the door wider.† These movements let the reader know that Amy has gone downstairs, and is trying to go out the door. He describes different scenes in lines twenty-four through thirty-one â€Å"The little graveyard where my people are! / So small the window frames the whole of it. / Not so much larger than a bedroom, is it? / There are three stones of slate and one of marble, / Broad-shouldered little slabs there in the sunlight / On the sidehill. We haven’t to mind those. / But I understand: it is not the stones, / But the child’s mound.† These lines are describing their family graveyard. In lines seventy-nine through eighty-one â€Å"Making the gravel leap and leap in air, / Leap up, like that, like that, and land so lightly / and roll back down the mound beside the hole,† Amy is describing what she saw when her husband was digging their child’s grave. In lines eighty-eight through ninety-two â€Å"You could sit there with the stains on your shoes / Of the fresh earth from your own baby’s grave / And talk about your everyday concerns. / You had stood the spadeShow MoreRelated Robert Frost Home Burial - The Three Tragedies of Home Burial1295 Words   |  6 PagesThe Three Tragedies of Home Burial  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Robert Frost’s Home Burial is a narrative poem that speaks of life’s tragedies. The theme of Home Burial† centers around the death of a child. During the time period in which the poem is set, society dictated that men did not show their feelings. Therefore, men dealt with conflicts by working hard and being domineering. Home Burial demonstrates how one tragedy can cause another to occur. The unnamed couple in this poem has lost a baby toRead MoreEssay on Home Burial by Robert Frost1394 Words   |  6 PagesHome Burial, a dramatic narrative largely in the form of dialogue, has 116 lines in informal blank verse. The setting is a windowed stairway in a rural home in which an unnamed farmer and his wife, Amy, live. The immediate intent of the title is made clear when the reader learns that the husband has recently buried their first-born child, a boy, in his family graveyard behind the house. The title can also be taken to suggest that the parents so fundamentally disagree about how to mourn that theirRead MoreHome Burial1067 Words   |  5 Pagesâ€Å"Home Burial† 1. Is the husband insensitive and indifferent to his wife’s grief? Has Frost invited us to sympathize with one character more than with the other? Indeed, the husband behaves in a very indifferent and insensitive way towards his wife in dealing with their child’s loss. I believe that Frost has invited us to sympathize with both husband and wife but at different levels of understanding because both have different ways to deal with grief. In other words, what society expects asRead MoreAnalysis of Home Burial1496 Words   |  6 PagesAnalysis of â€Å"Home Burial† Many of Robert Frost’s poems and short stories are a reflection of his personal life and events. Frost’s short story â€Å"Home Burial† emulates his experience living on a farm and the death of two of his sons. Frost gives an intimate view into the life and mind of a married couples’ struggle with grief and the strain it causes to their marriage. The characters Frost describes are synonymous, physically and emotionally, to his own life events. â€Å"Home Burial† is a look intoRead MoreAnalysis Of The Poem Home Burial 970 Words   |  4 PagesWhen reading the poem â€Å"Home Burial,† you automatically assume that the story has to deal with the death of something or somebody. The couple in this poem has lost their child. The mother I in deep despair as she has the right too because, she carried the baby for nine months. It is obvious that she has never recovered from this loss, while the husband presents himself as if the whole thing never happened. Most people in this position gradually work out a way of dealing with their grief, and go onRead MoreRobert Frosts Home Burial1304 Words   |  6 PagesIn â€Å"Home Burial,† Robert Frost uses language and imagery to show how differently a man and a women deal with grief. The poem not only describes the grief the two feel for the loss of their child but also the impending death of a marriage. Frost shows this by using a dramatic style set in New Englan d. In his narrative poem, Frost starts a tense conversation between the man and the wife whose first child had died recently. Not only is there dissonance between the couple,but also a major communicationRead MoreBurial Of A Home By Robert Frost1482 Words   |  6 PagesBurial of a Home Robert Frost’s poem â€Å"Home Burial,† written in 1914, centers around the conversation of a married couple whose relationship is struggling after the death of their young child. A duality in meaning exists in the poem’s title, â€Å"Home Burial,† which references not only the death of their child but also the death of their marriage. Is the child’s death the sole cause of their marital distress? Robert Frost opens the poem in the couple’s home with the husband watching as his wife, Amy,Read MoreAnalysis of Home Burial by Robert Frost822 Words   |  4 PagesAnalysis of Home Burial by Robert Frost Robert Frost’s poem â€Å"Home Burial† relates a drama between an estranged man and his wife. He presents a dramatic poem in the form of a dialogue about a couple that argues, differs with their opinions, and separates at the end. The center of the argument is around the death of their child. The poem is rich in human feelings; it highlights the expression of grief, frustration and anger that the couple shares while trying to deal with the death of their childRead MoreAnalysis OfTuft Of Flowers, And Home Burial970 Words   |  4 Pagesthat reveal to us the importance of learning from our sudden experiences. His wonderful poem Tuft of Flowers represents how the persona unexpectedly stumbles across a butterfly which acts as a catalyst for change, and his deeply personal poem, Home Burial explores the negative aspects of discovery through a relationship impacting their values. I will also speak about an engaging short film called Paperman directed by John Kahrs where an u nexpected encounter with a lady allows the persona to see theRead More Robert Frosts Home Burial Essay1248 Words   |  5 PagesRobert Frosts Home Burial Robert Frosts dramatic dialogue poem, Home Burial, is the story of a short, but important, episode in the marriage of a typical New England farm couple. They are typical because their public personalities are stoic and unimaginative, and because their lives are set within the stark necessities of northeastern American farm life. Yet, they are also typical in that their emotions are those one might expect of young parents who have abruptly and, to them, inexplicably

Politics Dissertations - Media Political Attitudes - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 20 Words: 5944 Downloads: 4 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? The impact of the media on public opinion, in countries across the globe, including the United States, is the subject of a growing body of academic and public discourse. The media has grown to become the main conduit for the publics understanding of world events. If the media can be said to provide wide-ranging and balanced coverage of news events there seems little or no problem of negative influence on public opinion. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Politics Dissertations Media Political Attitudes" essay for you Create order However, the belief in the neutrality of media coverage is not without its critics and the manipulation of news affects the attitudes and behaviours of those it is aimed at, namely the wider American public. The following argument will espouse the view that the media in the current period of time do have an influence on public attitudes and behaviour. Furthermore, the media are in turn influenced by external factors, which can result in the manipulation of public opinion for means preferable to the ruling establishment and business. Before embarking on a definitive answer to this question one must firmly establish definitions that will be used throughout the essay. The first issue is whether or not we can identify and employ the term media as if it were a single entity. This essay will adopt the position that media in this circumstance pertains to the news media of electronic and print journalism. There are of course vast differences between the coverage of news networks such as CNN and newspaper publication such as The New York Times. However, the argument for the all-encompassing use of the term is persuasive. Timothy Cook, for example, explains that the strong similarities of news processes and news content across modalities (television, newspapers, and newsmagazines), size of organization, national or local audiences, etc., point to the news media as a single institution (Cook 1998, p. 84). Thus, for the purposes of this analysis the term media will be taken to represent a monolithic structure encompassing b roadcast, print and digital formats. On a further point of clarity it is necessary to establish the meaning of political attitudes and behaviours. Without resorting to a dictionary definition the distinction here appears to be with peoples thoughts, private or public, and actions, such as the physical act of voting. The measuring of public opinion is complex and has been researched and discussed thoroughly elsewhere. This essay will utilise the existing literature to establish that the media does have an effect on public attitudes and will as such go on to analyse the nature of the influences. The reliance upon the media for information is a key factor in understanding its influence. In his discussion of the issue Timothy Cook states that in the United States, the privately owned news media are relied upon to provide communication from the elite to the public, as well as within the public as a whole (Cook 1998, p. 82). This reliance places the media in a powerful position of mediating not only between the American public but also between the citizens and the state. Despite the multiplicity of news outlets the content, as noted above also by Cook, is often largely similar. The effect of dominant stories being emitted across the media spectrum is one of influencing the political and other attitudes and behaviour of the American public. In his article on the subject Donald Jordan reaches the conclusion that in both newspaper items and television broadcasts experts and commentators wield heavy influence (Jordan 1993, p. 191). The crux of their influence comes in the empowering of the media, by the public, who tend to place a great deal of weight upon the importance of the news stories that reach the front page or television screen. In turn the political importance placed upon this by the public comes as the public seek to judge the stance of politicians on the issues in the media, regardless of whether the said politicians are linked to the news event (Cook 1998, p. 126). It is this perceived influence that in reverse drives politicians to respond even if the issue does not react strongly. In addition to placing a degree of importance on news stories that reach them via the media, there is also reason to suggest that the American public believe what the media say about an issue. Indeed, Hustler publisher Larry Flynt argues that many Americans buy into the newss propaganda on a nightly basis (Flynt 2004, p. 183). If one takes buy into to mean agree with or accept as fact the influence of the media becomes apparent, [t]he reporter is the recorder of government but he is also a participant (Cater in Cook 1998, p. 1). The media, under these assumptions, cannot be viewed as the benign distributors of news, but also the selectors of news and the formers of opinion. The main argument against the above description is that of active audience analysis. This approach contends that audiences routinely interpret corporate messages in ways that suit their own needs, not that of media proprietors or advertisers. However, this argument itself is disputed by those suggesting this dismisses the cumulative effect of repetitive media messages (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 194). The traditional argument is that the media serves the public well as a force for their democratic right to know (Taylor 1997, p. 1). The American media, and indeed the media of other western democracies, is heralded as a fundamental component of the virtuosity of free speech. In the conflicts against Iraq the rhetoric in the media contrasted the free speech of the media in democratic countries against the state-run media of Husseins Iraq. The irony here is the negated recognition of media censorship by western countries during times of conflict. More worryingly this censorship can often be identified as self-censorship as media organisations seek to remain with the official government and military information channels that dominate the flow of news from the battlefield. In this atmosphere the publics right to know appears to be more akin to the public right to know what the authorities want it to know. Professionalism is also enlisted to support the assertion that the media is acting upon the best interests of the public. The argument purported suggests the individual journalists have professional pride in their work and a moral work ethic that counters efforts to influence their output. However, this does not appear to be the case and tainted news stories emerge that influence the public perception of events. The lack of diversity in news sources, as previously referred to in Cooks account, does not reflect the multiplicity of interpretations that professionalism and personal interpretation by individual reporters would suggest. Despite any well-meaning intentions the most used sources of information by journalists are official channels. Journalists also work within the remit of the editorial policies of their institutions and other dominating factors that shape the news agenda. With conformity of opinion and repetition of news stories, combined with a public willingness to place greater emphasis on the importance of events in the news, the power of the American media to influence the public attitudes and behaviour towards issues becomes apparent. The editorial policies of the media appear to be free-chosen ideals, shaped by the political leanings of those in charge. In the case of newspapers, such overt political leanings are accepted if not expected. However, even with such freedom of choice one can argue that the conservative elements of the American establishment dominate the media agenda. Larry Flynt argues the media is dominated by these influences, which are able to insert their message into the media machine: Where did these ideas come from, and why are they so popular? The answers lie in our newspapers, magazines, radio, and television, and in the people who run them. On the right, you have media piranhas who lie, distort, and work the ref until our heads spin. On the left, you have press poodles who either just do what theyre told, or are too reasonable and polite to compete with ranting, conservative lunatics (Flynt 2004, p. 148). With this in mind one can argue the more conservative elements in politics are managing to portray their version of events. If this is the case and the public place greater faith in those messages purported by the media, then the political attitudes and behaviour of the American public can be said to be influenced. The re-election of George Bush, for example, would appear to substantiate such assertions. The increased commercialisation of the industry also plays a part in the influencing of public opinion. As has been noted the maturing of commercial broadcasting not only substitutes entertainment for public service; the U.S. experience suggests that maturation brings with it a decline in variety of viewpoints and increased protection of establishment interests (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 143). News has to be important and interesting, for the viewing public to remain engaged. This brings about the introduction of value-laden assumptions to the selection process as news is filtered by editorial staff to provide entertaining news to keep ratings, and hence advertising revenue, high. Once more the unfiltered, diverse media is actually revealed to be both ideologically and economically sieved to produce a product to engage the public. Any discrepancy from this formula can prove troublesome, as Bernhard asserts, because [p]ointing to the social costs of capitalism is still mistaken fo r disloyalty, or for psychosis (Bernhard 1999, p. 178). The same is true for any criticism of a war effort, with the attackers facing the wrath of media and public criticism if messages are deemed unpatriotic. It is also argued that commercialisation leads to the isolation of the public from the political system. This view is put forward by Herman and McChesney: [T]he commercialisation of broadcasting has further weakened democracy by delocalizing (nationalizing) politics, because, as Gerald Benjamin notes, appeals made in one place or to one group may be immediately communicated regionally or nationally. Thus the distributive politics of particular appeals to particular groups can no longer be made by candidates without their first calculating the possible effects on other groups in their electoral coalitions. The individual is more isolated, political participation tends to be reduced, and the idea of collective social action is weakened (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 147). The political system is altered by the mass reach of media. The individual is weakened and their political attitudes and behaviours are thus altered. Political action at a local level by determined groups is less possible now and the bigger picture much be considered. While the political power of the individual is weakened so too in the breadth of knowledge they attain from the media. Commercialisation and the modern media system have led to the trivialisation of news. Events are edited and selected to appeal as entertainment. The illusion of an informed American public appears justified by the mention of events from afar but, asks Phil Taylor, to what extent this can be said to be the case is debateable: In reality, does the practice of covering world events in twelve column inches or a three-minute news segment encourage prejudice rather than empathy, national pride rather than international harmony, and emotional rather than rational judgements? (Taylor 1997, pp. 1-2). The answer would appear to be yes to each, as while the public are presented with the faade of a multifaceted media machine the content is still highly selective. The outlets may be numerous but the depth is lacking. As the media world moves evermore to the instantaneous and 24-hour news culture the demand to produce a vast quantity of visually-orientated images quickly supersedes any depth of understanding the American public could seek to ascertain. The appeal to emotion does little to stimulate educated discussion upon issues. Instead, if the carefully selected news agenda wishes it can appeal to the public to behave in a way favourable to the governments wishes. For example, during the 1999 Kosovo Conflict the media in the United States and Great Britain played great attention to the human interest stories of Albanian refugees to stir public sympathy for intervention on their behalf. However, the irony was that the chosen form of intervention, solely from the air, while resulting in no politically damaging allied casualties, did little to stem the flow of refugees. Having referred to conflict one is also inclined to believe that the above interpretation of the media in the context of war may differ. When one takes into account the negative connotations assigned to the medias role during the Vietnam War the relationship would at first appear antagonistic and preclude any bowing on the part of the media to government will. However, the trend for assigning journalists to press pools in the 1990-1 Gulf War demonstrated an effective way of embedding journalists, not only physically, but also mentally with American forces. Cooperation between the media and the government manifested itself in ignoring and attempting to change public opinion, as Phillip Knightley explains: [S]izable minorities in both the United States and Britain were against such a war and although the mainstream media largely ignored their protests, these had to be dampened down unless they gained strength. Hussein had to be demonised. He was painted as being ruthless, another Hitler, a fanatic, deranged, a psychopath, hated by his own people and despised in the Arab world. Further, from the moment his troops had arrived in Kuwait they had committed unspeakable atrocities (Knightley 2001, p. 486). In addition to the restriction of information the media echoed government messages demonising Hussein and his actions. In this respect opposition to the conflict became tantamount to support for Saddam Hussein. Opposition was deemed unpatriotic. By ignoring public protest and presenting this interpretation of events the American public were being shamed into non-verbal opposition and the opinions of proponents of the war were bolstered by the apparent large-scale acceptance of their opinions, as witnessed through the media. Such a perception of events in conflict is at odds with the reality highlighted by Flynt in this and the subsequent conflict in Afghanistan: [W]e had no media with the troops in Afghanistan. Hardly anyone realized that most western reporters were being kept far from the front lines. The war news was being censored. We were being spoon fed commentary and military press releases masquerading as hard news. That was not only an insult to the American people, it was a huge disservice to news coverage in general (Flynt 2004, pp. 162-163). On a subject as emotive as conflict one would expect a mass media to be rife with opinions and conflicting views, representing the fears and worries of a diverse American public. The reverse was in fact true. The media demonstrated in the most tense of times that not only could and would it shape the perception of the conflict to the American people; it was also willing to gloss over public attitudes and expressions of dissent in a misled quest for patriotism in a manner that had historical precursors: In joining forces to sell the Cold War to the American people, government and industry professionals clearly knew they violated precepts of a free and independent press, but they justified it to themselves as a necessary patriotic duty in a fearsome age (Bernhard 1999, p. 179). Military conflict is one arena where the influence of the media is enhanced as the American public thirst for information. However, it also appears to be the occasion when the media is most likely to filter the information it provides. As with military confrontations the influence of media affects not only US public but also beyond. As Edward Herman and Robert McChesney point out the American model for global media is the likely ideal for other world media, as is, arguably, the democratic system of government (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 137). This also includes cultural infiltration of the American way of life with publics of other nations. Herman and McChesney go so far as to state that: We also think it very important to recognize that media effects are inseparable from broader economic, political, and cultural influences, such as external military occupation and rule, foreign indirect rule through sponsored authoritarian regimes military and police aid and training, economic and financial linkages, and tourism and educational exchanges, all of which are at least as imbalanced as media exports and imports (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 155). In a mass media world, where the reach of information is global, perhaps one should consider not only the influence on the American public, but also the worldwide cultural influence. The impact of the American media on public attitudes and behaviour is great. The media have an unparalleled hold over information dissemination to the wider public and the message, according to many commentators, is all too readily accepted. However the messages portrayed are not the result of individual reportage and endeavour on the part of journalists. The mass media is shaped by government and commercial interests that combine to reduce diverse outlets to the same messages. In times of heightened national interest in the news agenda, such as during conflict, the process is more restricted than normal. In essence the media present the contradiction of a mass, diverse organism that through the widespread regurgitation of similar messages, lends credence to those messages, influencing the publics judgement as to their infallibility. Bibliography Articles Jordan, Donald, Newspaper Effects on Policy Preferences, Political Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 57, 1993, pp. 191-204. Books Bernhard, Nancy, U.S. Television News and Cold War Propaganda, 1947-1960, (Cambridge: 1999). Cook, Timothy, Governing with the News. The News Media as a Political Institution, (London: 1998) Flynt, Larry, Sex, Lies and Politics. The Naked truth about Bush, Democracy and the War on Terror, (London: 2004). Herman, Edward and McChesney, Robert, The Global Media. The New Missionaries of Corporate Capitalism, (London: 1999). Knightley, Phillip, The First Casualty. The War Correspondent as Hero and Myth-Maker from the Crimea to Kosovo, (London: 2001). Taylor, Philip, Global Communications, International Affairs and the Media since 1945, (London: 1997). The impact of the media on public opinion, in countries across the globe, including the United States, is the subject of a growing body of academic and public discourse. The media has grown to become the main conduit for the publics understanding of world events. If the media can be said to provide wide-ranging and balanced coverage of news events there seems little or no problem of negative influence on public opinion. However, the belief in the neutrality of media coverage is not without its critics and the manipulation of news affects the attitudes and behaviours of those it is aimed at, namely the wider American public. The following argument will espouse the view that the media in the current period of time do have an influence on public attitudes and behaviour. Furthermore, the media are in turn influenced by external factors, which can result in the manipulation of public opinion for means preferable to the ruling establishment and business. Before embarking on a definitive answer to this question one must firmly establish definitions that will be used throughout the essay. The first issue is whether or not we can identify and employ the term media as if it were a single entity. This essay will adopt the position that media in this circumstance pertains to the news media of electronic and print journalism. There are of course vast differences between the coverage of news networks such as CNN and newspaper publication such as The New York Times. However, the argument for the all-encompassing use of the term is persuasive. Timothy Cook, for example, explains that the strong similarities of news processes and news content across modalities (television, newspapers, and newsmagazines), size of organization, national or local audiences, etc., point to the news media as a single institution (Cook 1998, p. 84). Thus, for the purposes of this analysis the term media will be taken to represent a monolithic structure encompassing b roadcast, print and digital formats. On a further point of clarity it is necessary to establish the meaning of political attitudes and behaviours. Without resorting to a dictionary definition the distinction here appears to be with peoples thoughts, private or public, and actions, such as the physical act of voting. The measuring of public opinion is complex and has been researched and discussed thoroughly elsewhere. This essay will utilise the existing literature to establish that the media does have an effect on public attitudes and will as such go on to analyse the nature of the influences. The reliance upon the media for information is a key factor in understanding its influence. In his discussion of the issue Timothy Cook states that in the United States, the privately owned news media are relied upon to provide communication from the elite to the public, as well as within the public as a whole (Cook 1998, p. 82). This reliance places the media in a powerful position of mediating not only between the American public but also between the citizens and the state. Despite the multiplicity of news outlets the content, as noted above also by Cook, is often largely similar. The effect of dominant stories being emitted across the media spectrum is one of influencing the political and other attitudes and behaviour of the American public. In his article on the subject Donald Jordan reaches the conclusion that in both newspaper items and television broadcasts experts and commentators wield heavy influence (Jordan 1993, p. 191). The crux of their influence comes in the empowering of the media, by the public, who tend to place a great deal of weight upon the importance of the news stories that reach the front page or television screen. In turn the political importance placed upon this by the public comes as the public seek to judge the stance of politicians on the issues in the media, regardless of whether the said politicians are linked to the news event (Cook 1998, p. 126). It is this perceived influence that in reverse drives politicians to respond even if the issue does not react strongly. In addition to placing a degree of importance on news stories that reach them via the media, there is also reason to suggest that the American public believe what the media say about an issue. Indeed, Hustler publisher Larry Flynt argues that many Americans buy into the newss propaganda on a nightly basis (Flynt 2004, p. 183). If one takes buy into to mean agree with or accept as fact the influence of the media becomes apparent, [t]he reporter is the recorder of government but he is also a participant (Cater in Cook 1998, p. 1). The media, under these assumptions, cannot be viewed as the benign distributors of news, but also the selectors of news and the formers of opinion. The main argument against the above description is that of active audience analysis. This approach contends that audiences routinely interpret corporate messages in ways that suit their own needs, not that of media proprietors or advertisers. However, this argument itself is disputed by those suggesting this dismisses the cumulative effect of repetitive media messages (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 194). The traditional argument is that the media serves the public well as a force for their democratic right to know (Taylor 1997, p. 1). The American media, and indeed the media of other western democracies, is heralded as a fundamental component of the virtuosity of free speech. In the conflicts against Iraq the rhetoric in the media contrasted the free speech of the media in democratic countries against the state-run media of Husseins Iraq. The irony here is the negated recognition of media censorship by western countries during times of conflict. More worryingly this censorship can often be identified as self-censorship as media organisations seek to remain with the official government and military information channels that dominate the flow of news from the battlefield. In this atmosphere the publics right to know appears to be more akin to the public right to know what the authorities want it to know. Professionalism is also enlisted to support the assertion that the media is acting upon the best interests of the public. The argument purported suggests the individual journalists have professional pride in their work and a moral work ethic that counters efforts to influence their output. However, this does not appear to be the case and tainted news stories emerge that influence the public perception of events. The lack of diversity in news sources, as previously referred to in Cooks account, does not reflect the multiplicity of interpretations that professionalism and personal interpretation by individual reporters would suggest. Despite any well-meaning intentions the most used sources of information by journalists are official channels. Journalists also work within the remit of the editorial policies of their institutions and other dominating factors that shape the news agenda. With conformity of opinion and repetition of news stories, combined with a public willingness to place greater emphasis on the importance of events in the news, the power of the American media to influence the public attitudes and behaviour towards issues becomes apparent. The editorial policies of the media appear to be free-chosen ideals, shaped by the political leanings of those in charge. In the case of newspapers, such overt political leanings are accepted if not expected. However, even with such freedom of choice one can argue that the conservative elements of the American establishment dominate the media agenda. Larry Flynt argues the media is dominated by these influences, which are able to insert their message into the media machine: Where did these ideas come from, and why are they so popular? The answers lie in our newspapers, magazines, radio, and television, and in the people who run them. On the right, you have media piranhas who lie, distort, and work the ref until our heads spin. On the left, you have press poodles who either just do what theyre told, or are too reasonable and polite to compete with ranting, conservative lunatics (Flynt 2004, p. 148). With this in mind one can argue the more conservative elements in politics are managing to portray their version of events. If this is the case and the public place greater faith in those messages purported by the media, then the political attitudes and behaviour of the American public can be said to be influenced. The re-election of George Bush, for example, would appear to substantiate such assertions. The increased commercialisation of the industry also plays a part in the influencing of public opinion. As has been noted the maturing of commercial broadcasting not only substitutes entertainment for public service; the U.S. experience suggests that maturation brings with it a decline in variety of viewpoints and increased protection of establishment interests (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 143). News has to be important and interesting, for the viewing public to remain engaged. This brings about the introduction of value-laden assumptions to the selection process as news is filtered by editorial staff to provide entertaining news to keep ratings, and hence advertising revenue, high. Once more the unfiltered, diverse media is actually revealed to be both ideologically and economically sieved to produce a product to engage the public. Any discrepancy from this formula can prove troublesome, as Bernhard asserts, because [p]ointing to the social costs of capitalism is still mistaken fo r disloyalty, or for psychosis (Bernhard 1999, p. 178). The same is true for any criticism of a war effort, with the attackers facing the wrath of media and public criticism if messages are deemed unpatriotic. It is also argued that commercialisation leads to the isolation of the public from the political system. This view is put forward by Herman and McChesney: [T]he commercialisation of broadcasting has further weakened democracy by delocalizing (nationalizing) politics, because, as Gerald Benjamin notes, appeals made in one place or to one group may be immediately communicated regionally or nationally. Thus the distributive politics of particular appeals to particular groups can no longer be made by candidates without their first calculating the possible effects on other groups in their electoral coalitions. The individual is more isolated, political participation tends to be reduced, and the idea of collective social action is weakened (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 147). The political system is altered by the mass reach of media. The individual is weakened and their political attitudes and behaviours are thus altered. Political action at a local level by determined groups is less possible now and the bigger picture much be considered. While the political power of the individual is weakened so too in the breadth of knowledge they attain from the media. Commercialisation and the modern media system have led to the trivialisation of news. Events are edited and selected to appeal as entertainment. The illusion of an informed American public appears justified by the mention of events from afar but, asks Phil Taylor, to what extent this can be said to be the case is debateable: In reality, does the practice of covering world events in twelve column inches or a three-minute news segment encourage prejudice rather than empathy, national pride rather than international harmony, and emotional rather than rational judgements? (Taylor 1997, pp. 1-2). The answer would appear to be yes to each, as while the public are presented with the faade of a multifaceted media machine the content is still highly selective. The outlets may be numerous but the depth is lacking. As the media world moves evermore to the instantaneous and 24-hour news culture the demand to produce a vast quantity of visually-orientated images quickly supersedes any depth of understanding the American public could seek to ascertain. The appeal to emotion does little to stimulate educated discussion upon issues. Instead, if the carefully selected news agenda wishes it can appeal to the public to behave in a way favourable to the governments wishes. For example, during the 1999 Kosovo Conflict the media in the United States and Great Britain played great attention to the human interest stories of Albanian refugees to stir public sympathy for intervention on their behalf. However, the irony was that the chosen form of intervention, solely from the air, while resulting in no politically damaging allied casualties, did little to stem the flow of refugees. Having referred to conflict one is also inclined to believe that the above interpretation of the media in the context of war may differ. When one takes into account the negative connotations assigned to the medias role during the Vietnam War the relationship would at first appear antagonistic and preclude any bowing on the part of the media to government will. However, the trend for assigning journalists to press pools in the 1990-1 Gulf War demonstrated an effective way of embedding journalists, not only physically, but also mentally with American forces. Cooperation between the media and the government manifested itself in ignoring and attempting to change public opinion, as Phillip Knightley explains: [S]izable minorities in both the United States and Britain were against such a war and although the mainstream media largely ignored their protests, these had to be dampened down unless they gained strength. Hussein had to be demonised. He was painted as being ruthless, another Hitler, a fanatic, deranged, a psychopath, hated by his own people and despised in the Arab world. Further, from the moment his troops had arrived in Kuwait they had committed unspeakable atrocities (Knightley 2001, p. 486). In addition to the restriction of information the media echoed government messages demonising Hussein and his actions. In this respect opposition to the conflict became tantamount to support for Saddam Hussein. Opposition was deemed unpatriotic. By ignoring public protest and presenting this interpretation of events the American public were being shamed into non-verbal opposition and the opinions of proponents of the war were bolstered by the apparent large-scale acceptance of their opinions, as witnessed through the media. Such a perception of events in conflict is at odds with the reality highlighted by Flynt in this and the subsequent conflict in Afghanistan: [W]e had no media with the troops in Afghanistan. Hardly anyone realized that most western reporters were being kept far from the front lines. The war news was being censored. We were being spoon fed commentary and military press releases masquerading as hard news. That was not only an insult to the American people, it was a huge disservice to news coverage in general (Flynt 2004, pp. 162-163). On a subject as emotive as conflict one would expect a mass media to be rife with opinions and conflicting views, representing the fears and worries of a diverse American public. The reverse was in fact true. The media demonstrated in the most tense of times that not only could and would it shape the perception of the conflict to the American people; it was also willing to gloss over public attitudes and expressions of dissent in a misled quest for patriotism in a manner that had historical precursors: In joining forces to sell the Cold War to the American people, government and industry professionals clearly knew they violated precepts of a free and independent press, but they justified it to themselves as a necessary patriotic duty in a fearsome age (Bernhard 1999, p. 179). Military conflict is one arena where the influence of the media is enhanced as the American public thirst for information. However, it also appears to be the occasion when the media is most likely to filter the information it provides. As with military confrontations the influence of media affects not only US public but also beyond. As Edward Herman and Robert McChesney point out the American model for global media is the likely ideal for other world media, as is, arguably, the democratic system of government (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 137). This also includes cultural infiltration of the American way of life with publics of other nations. Herman and McChesney go so far as to state that: We also think it very important to recognize that media effects are inseparable from broader economic, political, and cultural influences, such as external military occupation and rule, foreign indirect rule through sponsored authoritarian regimes military and police aid and training, economic and financial linkages, and tourism and educational exchanges, all of which are at least as imbalanced as media exports and imports (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 155). In a mass media world, where the reach of information is global, perhaps one should consider not only the influence on the American public, but also the worldwide cultural influence. The impact of the American media on public attitudes and behaviour is great. The media have an unparalleled hold over information dissemination to the wider public and the message, according to many commentators, is all too readily accepted. However the messages portrayed are not the result of individual reportage and endeavour on the part of journalists. The mass media is shaped by government and commercial interests that combine to reduce diverse outlets to the same messages. In times of heightened national interest in the news agenda, such as during conflict, the process is more restricted than normal. In essence the media present the contradiction of a mass, diverse organism that through the widespread regurgitation of similar messages, lends credence to those messages, influencing the publics judgement as to their infallibility. Bibliography Articles Jordan, Donald, Newspaper Effects on Policy Preferences, Political Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 57, 1993, pp. 191-204. Books Bernhard, Nancy, U.S. Television News and Cold War Propaganda, 1947-1960, (Cambridge: 1999). Cook, Timothy, Governing with the News. The News Media as a Political Institution, (London: 1998) Flynt, Larry, Sex, Lies and Politics. The Naked truth about Bush, Democracy and the War on Terror, (London: 2004). Herman, Edward and McChesney, Robert, The Global Media. The New Missionaries of Corporate Capitalism, (London: 1999). Knightley, Phillip, The First Casualty. The War Correspondent as Hero and Myth-Maker from the Crimea to Kosovo, (London: 2001). Taylor, Philip, Global Communications, International Affairs and the Media since 1945, (London: 1997).